Numerous studies have investigated the factors
that influence health among children. This body of literature is important
because it illustrates the lasting impact of childhood health into adulthood.
For example, Case et al. (2005) fi nd that childhood health has a long-term
impact on adult health, education, and social status. Such information is
valuable when crafting public policies aimed at improving overall health.
Employing county-level data, Corman and
Grossman (1985) regress the neonatal mortality rates for blacks and whites on a
host of factors including education of the mother, the prevalence of poverty (a
measure of income), and the availability of public programs. Some of the public
programs included in the analysis are the existence of neonatal intensive care
facilities, the availability of abortion services, organized family planning,
and Medicaid. Overall, the results are robust and enlightening. Lack of
schooling and the existence of poverty are found to raise the neonatal
mortality rate for both white and black infants. Together, they account for an
increase in neonatal mortality rates by 0.950 and 0.786 per 1,000 live births
for whites and blacks, respectively. Access to health care also plays a role,
as the presence of neonatal intensive care has caused the neonatal mortality
rate to fall by 0.631 and 0.426 per 1,000 live births for white and black
infants, respectively. Moreover, the results indicate that various government
programs are associated with a reduced mortality rate for black as well as
white infants. For example, Medicaid accounts for a decrease in the mortality
rate by 0.632 per 1,000 live births for white children and 0.359 per 1,000 live
births for black children.
Two recent articles point to the significance
of environmental factors on infant health. Chay and Greenstone (2003) use
county data from 1981–1982 to estimate the impact of total suspended
particulates (TSPs) on infant mortality. TSPs are minute pieces of dust, soot,
dirt, ash, smoke, liquid vapor, or other matter in the atmosphere that can
cause lung and heart disease. The authors find that a 1 percent reduction in
TPS causes the infant mortality rate to fall by 0.35 percent at the county
level. Currie and Neidell (2005) find that reductions in carbon monoxide also
impact infant mortality. In particular, they find that reductions in carbon
monoxide in California throughout the 1990s saved approximately 1000 infant
lives. These studies are part of a growing body of literature that illustrates
the importance of environmental factors in determining health. Case et al. (2002)
focus on the impact of socioeconomic status on children’s health.
To no one’s surprise, the authors find a
strong positive relation between the education of the parents and the health of
their children. For example, the health of children is positively related to
the education of mothers for children living with a mother. Education, in this
case, is measured by whether the mother did not complete high school, had a
high diploma, or had more than a high school education. The education of
fathers is also found to positively contribute to improved health among
children, implying that parental education positively impacts the production of
a child’s health at all age levels.
The study also finds that household income is
a strong predictor of children’s health.
More specifically, the authors find that when
household income doubles, the probability that a child 3 years old or younger
is in excellent or very good health increases by 4 percent. Comparable
improvements for children between ages 4 and8, 9 and 12, and 13 and 17 are 4.9
percent, 5.9 percent, and 7.2 percent, respectively. Just as interesting, the
authors find that permanent income is a strong determiner of children’s health.
In particular, they find that family income before a child is born is positively
related to the child’s health
Finally, the authors find that healthier
parents tend to have healthier children. Why that is the case, however, remains
to be determined. However, the authors do estimate a series of equations for
children with adoptive and biological parents and find that the impact of
income on health is not signifi cantly different across the two populations.
While this evidence is not definitive, it does suggest that genetics may
explain only part of the reason why healthier parents have healthier children.
Could it be that the production of health takes place at the household level
and that healthier parents are simply more efficient producers of health for
all members of the household? Clearly, more research needs to be done before we
fully understand how parental behavior coupled with socioeconomic factors
impacts children’s health.
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